Foreign Security Policy, Gender, and US Military Identity by Elgin Medea Brunner (auth.)
By Elgin Medea Brunner (auth.)
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Additional resources for Foreign Security Policy, Gender, and US Military Identity
And men’ (Cooke and Woollacott 1993: vii). Goldstein (2001) takes the same line while tracing the ways and mechanisms of how the ‘war system’ shapes the ‘gender system’ and vice versa and how both systems depend upon each other and are therefore mutually reproductive of each other. The focus having gradually shifted from women to gender, masculinities as subject of inquiry increasingly gained attention. , Cohn and Enloe 2003, Hutchings Contextualising the Study of Gender and War 23 2008a), based upon Connell’s (1987) argument that there is no single form of masculinity or femininity in Western societies, only different ways of being a man or a woman.
Even broader surveys of US propaganda since 1917 are the excellent overviews by Elter (2005) or by Macdonald (2007). While each of them are original, all of these works examine what they call propaganda as an inclusive influencing phenomenon utilised by the state and all its agencies – successfully, when thoroughly coordinated. In all these manipulations, the media plays a crucial role, which is often thoroughly addressed, as in the volume by Rid (2007), which explicitly examines the relationship between the military and the media since the Vietnam War.
In this way, discourse is constitutive of reality. It is the aim of post-structuralist research to expose these workings. Because discourses ‘work to define and to enable, and also to silence and to exclude [ . . ] by [ . . ] endorsing a certain common sense, but making other modes of categorizing and judging meaningless, impracticable, inadequate or otherwise disqualified’ (Milliken 2001: 139), the analytical relevance of such mechanisms becomes evident. By exposing them, the analysis acquires the potential to denaturalise dominant meanings and practices and to disclose their contingency.