Men of Bronze: Hoplite Warfare in Ancient Greece
Males of Bronze takes up some of the most very important and fiercely debated matters in historic historical past and classics: how did archaic Greek hoplites struggle, and what position, if any, did hoplite struggle play in shaping the Greek polis? within the 19th century, George Grote argued that the phalanx conflict formation of the hoplite farmer citizen-soldier was once the motive force in the back of a revolution in Greek social, political, and cultural associations. in the course of the 20th century students built and sophisticated this grand hoplite narrative with the aid of archaeology. yet during the last thirty years students have criticized approximately each significant guideline of this orthodoxy. certainly, the revisionists have persuaded many experts that the proof calls for a brand new interpretation of the hoplite narrative and a rewriting of early Greek historical past. males of Bronze gathers prime students to improve the present debate and produce it to a broader viewers of old historians, classicists, archaeologists, and common readers. After explaining the old context and importance of the hoplite query, the booklet assesses and pushes ahead the talk over the normal hoplite narrative and demonstrates why it's at a very important turning element. rather than attaining a consensus, the participants have sharpened their modifications, supplying new facts, motives, and theories in regards to the beginning, nature, procedure, and strategies of the hoplite phalanx and its influence on Greek tradition and the increase of the polis. The individuals comprise Paul Cartledge, Lin Foxhall, John Hale, Victor Davis Hanson, Donald Kagan, Peter Krentz, Kurt Raaflaub, Adam Schwartz, Anthony Snodgrass, Hans van Wees, and Gregory Viggiano.
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V. 1 (1936), 459, no. 6; Berve ii 203, no. v. ; Hoffmann 209; in Plut. Alex. 4 the MSS. read or ; Kroll, RE x (1919), 101; Berve ii 260–261, no. 520; cf. v. ‘Metron (2)’. 80 Badian, TAPA 91 (1960), 324–338; Goukowsky i 38–41, ii 118–134. Although I agree with Badian that Alexander’s ‘new men’ played an important role in the elimination of Philotas, I cannot agree that (i) Alexander had taken an active role in ‘extricating himself from the stranglehold of Parmenio’s family and adherents’ (329); that (ii) Alexander had been steadily undermining Parmenion’s reputation; that (iii) Dimnos’ conspiracy was fabricated with the destruction of Philotas and, ultimately, of Parmenion in mind.
6); soon afterwards, he was sent ahead to Daskyleion, which he captured and garrisoned (Arr. 2). 47 Upon his return, Alexander sent Parmenion to Magnesia and Tralles 39 The account, and Polyainos’ figure of 10,000 Makedonian troops (accepted by McCoy, AJP 110 , 424), must be treated with caution (cf. 2). 40 Diod. 2. Attalos’ widow (apparently) was then given by her father to Koinos son of Polemokrates (Curt. 30; cf. Arr. 4). 3 332; Berve ii 312–313, no. 626. 41 Diod. 2; Curt. 3. Cf. Edmunds, GRBS 12 (1971), 367.
32 Nor can we say what were Parmenion’s connections with Alexander, Olympias and their supporters. 33 Undoubtedly, Parmenion, who could not himself aspire to the kingship, supported Philip politically with the same enthusiasm as he did militarily. 35 But the assumption—and it is no more than an assumption—that Attalos was of Lower Makedonian origin need not imply the same about Parmenion. 38 Sent ahead with Attalos and Amyntas to prepare for Philip’s invasion (Diod. 8; cf. Trogus, Prol. 41 Some time later, Parmenion captured Gryneion and 32 See Berve ii 393–397, no.