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Migration and Mobility in the Early Roman Empire by Luuk Ligt, Laurens Ernst Tacoma

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By Luuk Ligt, Laurens Ernst Tacoma

Until eventually lately migration didn't occupy a famous position at the schedule of scholars of Roman background. quite a few forms of flow within the Roman international have been studied, yet now not less than the heading of migration and mobility. Migration and Mobility within the Early Roman Empire begins from the belief that state-organised, pressured and voluntary mobility and migration have been intertwined and may be studied jointly. The papers assembled within the e-book faucet into the remarkably huge reservoir of archaeological and textual assets referring to a number of kinds of flow throughout the Roman Principate. crucial issues lined are rural-urban migration, labour mobility, relationships among compelled and voluntary mobility, state-organised activities of army devices, and familial and feminine mobility.

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The answers to these questions are not straightforward, nor are the solutions adopted mutually exclusive. It seems obvious that at the end of the Republican age, when the population doubled or tripled in a few decades, the pace of migration must have been very fast: during these decades the share of migrants in the total population must have been higher, much higher, than a third. With the advent of the new regime and of the pax Augusta migration from the Italian peninsula must have slowed down.

It is therefore difficult to avoid the conclusion that women accounted for about half of those non-Athenians who moved to Athens with the aim of permanent residence. Interestingly, some funerary inscriptions refer explicitly to cases of family migration. A significant female presence would be in line with the findings of a handful of recent studies which use isotope analysis to identify immigrants, a topic discussed in Prowse’s, Bruun’s and Lo Cascio’s papers. The interpretation of 35 For women accompanying soldiers in Roman Egypt, see Foubert 2013b; for Vindolanda see Greene 2013.

The argument given in the main text seems to me decisive, in spite of what Hin and Matthys (forthcoming) observe. 63-4 Drabkin, on which see Sallares 2002: 220–223 who dates Asclepiades in the late second century bce; Gal. 435 Kühn, 467-68 Kühn; 17. A. 12-2 Kühn; 17. 23 Kühn. 14 Cic. Rep. 11; Liv. 4; Hor. Ep. 1-13; Sat. 16-19; Iuv. Sat. 37-59; Plin. Ep. 1-3: see Sallares 2002: 220–223; Scheidel 2003: 165–167. 15 Scheidel 2013: 45–49; see also Scheidel 2014. 16 Courrier 2014: Ch. 1, esp. 121-25, and passim.

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